Published Feb 22, 2011
It’s been really exciting watching the revolutions in the Middle East — change in Tunisia and Egypt has opened up the possibility of living in an exciting new world. It’s been particularly intriguing for me, since I specialized in revolutions as an undergrad. Sadly, I had little to say about the whole Tahrir Square deal, since said specialization pretty much included studies of Latin America, Southeast Asia, and Africa, but not much time at all on the Middle East. So I just didn’t know a lot about the specifics. However, now things seem to be spreading. And I know quite a great deal about spread of revoulution!(Mmm, spread. Makes me want bread and butter.)So, why the revolutions now? And, will they spread?Let Me Pimp Myself Here
I was a double major in college — Poli Sci and Psych — and merged the two by writing a senior thesis asking “why do individuals join revolutionary groups?” There were two parts to that thesis — the thesis itself and the literature review that drove the experiment outlined in the thesis. Unfortunately, all I learned in the thesis was that you should figure out if your best friend has a raging methamphetamine addiction before asking them to blind-code your data. However, I did learn a ton writing that literature review. For this here blog entry, I’m going to draw on the perspectives outlined therein.So I have this diagram — sadly only available in very-low-quality format — that kind of explains how these things work. Here is my information design achievement:Yeah, sorry again about that quality. And the hyphenation on the first decision point.Anyway, let’s walk through this for your typical resident of the Middle East and North Africa:- The individual begins to perceive themselves as deprived, relative to comparable others. This is exactly what we saw happen in Egypt — Egyptians had their (subsidized) cost of living go up, and felt they were doing worse compared to others that they saw on Al Jazeera and also themselves, just a few months previous.
- Existing — and, in some states, worsening — poverty made the cost to join the revolution fairly low. At the same time the authoritarian state’s aggressive response to that revolution actually increased the cost of exit — or, maybe better said, decreased the benefit of exit — by making the individual vulnerable to retaliation for past participation in the revolutionary group.
- Citizens of Arab states have 50 years of practice with being extrapunitive — they’ve been taught to blame all their ills on Israel. This may have been convenient to those who ran their states for that time, but it also meant that, when things got bad, those citizens wouldn’t think “I need to work harder,” they’d think “things outside me need to change”
- Again, the rulers of Arab states have inculcated their populace with collective orientation, under the badge of Arab Nationalism. They worked together to throw out the colonizers; they worked together to fight the Israelis; they even worked together to collectively own large businesses and key assets like the Suez Canal.
- And there’s been a withdrawal of legitimacy. The existing governments of most Arab states drew legitimacy from past acts — resistance to colonizers, wresting power from feudal rulers, fighting Israel (and, for Egypt, winning in 1972), monopolizing the oil industry — but none of these are new, and none took place in the last two decades. For Arabs in their teens and twenties, they’ve never actually seen their governments do any of the things that they’re supposed to be proud of their governments for doing.
So What’s Next?
What’s next depends on a lot of things. Our leaders worried about the “domino effect” in Southeast Asia through the 1950s and ’60s. The theory was that these countries all shared a set of traits that ensured that, as soon as one went Communist, that would destabilize the non-Communist governments in the other states and result in them adopting Communist governments.Does the Arab world contain just such dominoes? Well, again, we have a low-quality diagram from my senior thesis that explains it all:And again, let’s walk through it:- The individual identifies not just as a solitary person but as a part of a larger group. This needs to be a strong, meaningful, primary identification.
- The group frames reality in a manner that defines and explains the current situation as unjust.
- This leads the individual to become discontent with the current power structure and their role in that structure
- The group challenges the description of reality that gives legitimacy to the existing powers. (Typically, they frame reality in a way that gives legitimacy to some other power or organization.)
- The regime loses legitimacy in the eyes of the people.
- If the individual is collectively-oriented, and the individual perceives membership in the group as at least as important as the things the group frames as just and valid, then they participate in revolution.
- Morocco
- Algeria
- Libya
- Syria
- Jordan
- Yemen
- Saudi Arabia
- Bahrain
- Iran
Morocco
Morocco’s an interesting case. The ruling dynasty successfully aligned itself with Arab nationalism in the ’50s — in fact, you could say that they defined Arab nationalism starting in the 16th century — and have cultivated the perception of a progressive, liberal, capitalist state. To the extent that frame is perceived as accurate, it can’t be effectively challenged by frames stressing personal rights, empowerment, an end to corruption, and Islamic law, like those seen in Egypt. The disjunction of Islamic law vs. non-Islamic-centered law is not strong enough to prevent those two frames from overlapping, unless the citizens begin to identify as Muslims or Muslims of the Maghreb, rather than Moroccans.Algeria
Algeria rode the Arab nationalist wave to eventual victory in a long, bloody war that separated that country from colonial ruler France (and brought down the French 4th Republic). From the ’60s to the ’90s, the revolutionary, nationalist FLN ran the country as a one-party state. In the early ’90s, the FLN attempted to bring the country to multiparty democracy, but the military took over government after Islamist parties seemed headed to win the elections. (Ironically, the Islamist parties seemingly proposed to end democracy if they won and establish a unitary Islamic state.)Since that time, the Algerian government has effectively liberalized and used various military and social tools to marginalize the radical Islamists, and has built a multiparty or, depending on one’s outlook, somewhat-more-than-one-party state. Nonetheless, continual violence since the War of Liberation and continued economic mediocrity certainly must create a perception of relative deprivation, which some parties translate into an injustice frame. Whether or not the limited multiparty structure of the state means that power discontent is translated not into the withdrawal of legitimacy of the state but, instead, political change within the system, depends on the perceived legitimacy of the state and the frame of its leaders.Libya
One of the challenges of revolution is that meaningful revolutions tend to eat their young — in Russia, France, Cambodia, India, and other major revolutions, the structure and momentum of the change that was created led to the increasing empowerment of radicals and the concomitant disempowerment and assassination of moderates. Libya under Gadhaffi has tried to avoid that fate by opting for “perpetual revolution,” or a political structure that attempts to concentrate agents of philosophical change in centralized positions while continually breaking down and rebuilding peripheral organizations using varying levels of violence, in order to continually advance society and prevent the creation of power bases outside the central presidium while, by successive approximations, increasing the reach and actualization of the basic philosophy of the key central agents.This strategy worked well in Mao’s China, but it requires the leadership to continuously create a frame that delegitimizes the status quo. Mao was prepared to arrest change and insert a new frame by killing, between 1 and 20 million Chinese during the Cultural Revolution. The legitimizing frame that Mao was able to reintroduce by stages during the Cultural Revolution ensured his own power and required others’ use of violence and excess. It’s not clear if the members of the Libyan armed forces are susceptible to accepting such a frame; reports of defections suggest that they’re accepting a frame that challenges Gadhaffi’s legitimizing frame.If the people with the tanks and the airplanes perceive the current situation as potentially illegitimate philosophically and illegitimate in that it’s unable to protect their status as they protect the state, then change is rapid. (See: Egypt.) It appears that Libya is quite vulnerable to this kind of situation. Couldn’t happen to a nicer Socialist People’s Arab JamahiriyaSyria
Syria has two things going for it:- The answer to “what did you do for me lately” is “we de facto absorbed Lebanon, and kind of beat Israel in doing it.” That’s not a bad thing to have in your back pocket if your legitmizing frame has to do with struggle vs. Israel and the greater glory of Greater Syria.
- The shift to Bashar Assad, after his father Hafez passed away, gave the regime the opportunity to shift policy without having to delegitimize the previous legitimizing frame, à la Libya.